Furthermore, chances for success were greater in recognized sects such as the Society of Friends Quakers and the Christadelphians. These groups drew on early church pacifist traditions or adopted millenarian beliefs about the Kingdom of God being at hand, and relished the roles of martyrdom bearing witness for their beliefs in face of state persecution. Few Anglicans or Catholics, by contrast, became objectors.
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State traditions and context mattered: not a single German Mennonite was recorded as a conscientious objector. Heavily watched by the Wilhelmine State, the main pacifist Protestant source of dissent in Germany was the Zentralstelle evangelischer Friedensfreunde and the activities of Martin Rade and Friedrich Siegmund-Schultze This largely left dissent in the hands of anti-religious Socialists, mainly Karl Liebknecht , with baleful influences when Germany lost the war.
Defeat was blamed on supposed Jewish-Bolshevik treachery undermining collective will to victory. In terms of official observances, recorded through such measures as church attendance and distribution of communion hosts, there were some general patterns.
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The initial rush to war saw a huge upsurge of attendance at religious services in Here, however, different theaters of war and local context mattered enormously, as did seasonal cycles of religious worship and individual life stories. Measured in other ways, especially on the home front, religious statistics were not so clear-cut. It should not be assumed that cities were inherently causes of secularization during the Great War.
It was perhaps Russia that offered the starkest example of social upheaval; consequently, there are particular difficulties in assessing the extent of religious or quasi-religious behavior. In the Russian Orthodox Church on the eve of the Great War, observable public piety among the conservative agrarian peasant society approached participation levels that Western religious leaders could scarcely imagine. In , 87 percent of Russian men and 91 percent of women regularly participated in the sacraments of confession and communion. Similarly to the other established state churches in Europe, Orthodoxy became swept up in a wave of pro-war fervor.
However, due to the strong ideological intertwining of throne and altar in support of the Tsar, anti-war sentiment set in earlier and became more pronounced as the war stagnated. The excesses of Rasputinism as experienced not only by Grigori Rasputin himself but also his supporters , along with perceived German influence on the monarchy, only made things worse. However, the adaptation of peasant religious traditions, not simply their transformation, made a subject worthy of further research into the nature of the Russian Revolution.
The majority of official religions during the conflict were dominant social forces in largely Christian societies. In all combatant states, however, minority religious groups were a key part of the war effort. Especially in multi-national imperial entities such as Russia, Austria-Hungary, the United Kingdom, and the United States, majority Christian societies had to incorporate believers of all faiths into theories and practices of war effort.
Considering the later effects of the Holocaust, the dilemmas of assimilation and exclusion were most apparent in Germany. When the results proved the opposite, namely that German Jews were proportionally over-represented in the German military, the authorities suppressed the statistics until after the war ended. Many Jewish soldiers and their families experienced the Great War precisely as did other non-Jewish minorities: i. In army life, Jews and Muslims had to cope with official chaplaincies that were even more piecemeal and thinly scattered than those of their Christian counterparts.
Military religious authorities made regular attempts to foster religious observance in everyday military life through such matters as dietary regulations and official burial. Despite the best efforts of individual field rabbis and field imams, perhaps most famously Leo Baeck who served in the German army, religious services were sporadic at best.
Religious services for minority religious in the military were usually dependent on the particular travel schedule of individual chaplains attempting to traverse hundreds or even thousands of miles of ground. For instance, elite Bosnian units skilled in mountain warfare, consisting of many observant Muslim soldiers, helped to bolster problem areas of the Austro-Hungarian defenses on the Italian Front.
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Consequently, heavily Catholic areas of the Habsburg Empire, such as South Tyrol, saw field imams conducting Muslim burials. Thus, the Habsburg Army, ideologically opposed to the encroachment of Islam for centuries, actually incorporated Muslim units into the defense of Habsburg territorial interests. While some religious believers were caught up in waves of nationalist assimilation, others had alternative experiences that were more individualist as well as focused on other collectives.
For instance, the idiosyncratic religious behavior of the Orthodox community gathered around Rabbi Selig Schachnowitz of Frankfurt showed that there were multiple currents of Judaism alive and well in one city, sometimes in alignment and sometimes in conflict with each other. Religious sentiment played a role in escalating the ideological hatred that enabled genocide, and it is essential to focus attention on the importance of religious difference as motivation for other 20 th century genocides.
The Armenian genocide should be understood in terms of aggressive pre Young Turk policies, which were exacerbated by the Great War and the threat of Entente invasion. This resulted in both military campaigns and paramilitary irregular warfare across unstable borders in Central Asia. Overall, Turkish politicians of the Committee of Union and Progress CUP remained highly suspicious of Armenians as treacherous agitators undermining the military campaigns.
Beneath this imperial veneer, however, recent research has done much to clarify the importance of local elites in the Diyarbekir province, particularly the governor Mehmed Reshid , who assumed office on 25 March Convinced that Armenians were destabilizing his province in their quest to form an independent Armenia , Reshid was instrumental in escalating violent deportations of Armenians and unleashing paramilitary violence against civilians. In conjunction with brutal fighting around Van, and the threat of Allied invasion that was materializing around Gallipoli , by 24 April , local persecution became imperial: throughout the Ottoman Empire, the CUP officially targeted the entire political and cultural elite of the Armenian community for arrest and deportation to the interior, with notables rounded up in Constantinople.
Due to the patchwork nature of ethnic affiliations, the genocide of ethnic Armenians drew on important elements of more broadly inspired religious violence between Christians and Muslims. It was not always an eliminationist form of ethnic cleansing, however, from which there was no escape. For example, in the 10 June massacre of nearly Christians of all denominations near the village of Adirshek, the Ottoman commander of the execution unit, Mehmed Memduh Bey?
Most of the Christian believers present followed the example of their leader, Bishop Ignatius Shoukrallah Maloyan , who declared that he would rather die as a Christian than live as a Muslim.
Other ominous elements of German encounters with Jews on the Eastern Front during World War I, particularly the failed attempts at military administration, would help to lay the ideological foundations for organized killings during World War II. The churches were heavily involved in commemoration efforts during and after the war. Religious figures took part in the dedication of major state sites of commemoration, such as the Cenotaph on Remembrance Sunday, standing by the Victory Column as well the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier.
Churches and civic sites included religiously themed plaques or statuary dedicated to the war dead. The remembrance tablets would often be expanded to include, or would be found adjacent to, memory tablets for the dead of the Second World War, thus enshrining the war dead as part of one pan-European cycle of violence and loss from This process occurred in churches at every level of European society, from national cathedrals in major urban centers to small rural parishes. The churches also helped plan, finance, build, and maintain war cemeteries in which Christian motives and conceptions of sacrifice helped mourners make sense of the losses they had endured.
Avant-garde modernism helped some intellectuals represent if not understand the stupefying social destruction of war. Such conceptual impulses, however, rarely comforted the vast majority of survivors. Organized religion and traditional modes of understanding helped the bereaved mourn the loss of their beloved dead. The Catholic case highlights the different transnational implications of religion, even for powers that won the war. This symbolized the continuity of sacrifice between the events of and For France, and especially French Catholics, the Great War was a heroically successful defense of the nation, and the sacred-secular hatreds became greatly disarmed through continued rapprochement, especially through the efforts of war veterans.
In Italy, there was no plausible collective interpretation of sacrifice because the state had bungled the war effort so badly. Only Entente intervention staved off disaster at Caporetto in With a lack of strong political leadership and lingering social tensions, Italy would prove especially fertile ground for the rise of Fascism and a leader figure like Benito Mussolini whose promises were both reactionary and ultra-modern.
With a ruthless combination of delusionary ideology and pragmatic acumen, political religions emerged dedicated to restructuring society along visions of organic communities. This often coalesced around exclusionary hatreds of others perceived to have caused defeat during the Great War. Most ominously, this hatred was especially forceful in states that lost the war in Central and Eastern Europe. In Germany, for example, there were certainly extreme nationalists who sanctified the war dead and agitated that only victory through another war would redeem the sacrifice and expunge the perceived betrayal by a supposedly disloyal conspiracy of Jewish-Bolshevik agitators.
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Such stark ravings would become a key element of Nazi ideology. The Nazi version of events, however, did not capture the hearts of many former soldiers. In complete contrast, pacifist left-leaning Republicans, for example, formed a counter-memory in which former soldiers drew upon their war experience to testify to the horrors and futility of war, advocating instead for peace and brotherhood between nations.
Religion was a motivating force for war and for peace, both sustaining enthusiasm for violence as well as diminishing it. In Eastern Europe, war had spawned revolution and this engendered counterrevolution, thus blurring the boundaries between war and civil war. After the conflict on the Western Front had ended, churches became engaged in a crusade against communism that inclined them towards sympathy for fascist and Nazi movements, culminating in the Holocaust.
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However, in the interwar period, besides comforting those afflicted by war, official churches also shifted away from their unquestioned advocacy of war as in ; instead, they emphasized their religious role as peacemakers. International Peace Conferences, such as the one in Constance that disbanded due to the outbreak of war in , resumed in the interwar period, leading to ecumenical movements and transnational peacemaking networks that would bear much fruit after Religious institutions of many creeds and dominations were well represented in these new peace efforts that took place in cities such as Freiburg , Paris, and Vienna.
Post Christian Democratic parties drew on these networks and experiences of reconciliation, which would be vital to the formation of the European Union. Keeping pace with historiographical shifts in the study of modern religious history, scholarship now embraces forms of popular religion and its vibrant, multifaceted dimensions on a global level. Future scholarly research will continue to explore how individual believers, kinship groups, and larger associational networks experienced the war through myriad religious beliefs. Religion in Europe was only one part of a story of global religious patterns, and the Great War marked an epochal shift in relations between Christians, Jews, and Muslims across the world.
Houlihan, Patrick J.
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Perhaps the most infamous formulation was by the Anglican Bishop of London, Arthur Winnington-Ingram , who proclaimed to his congregation in Everyone that loves freedom and honour…are banded in a great crusade - we cannot deny it - to kill Germans: to kill them not for the sake of killing, but to save the world; to kill the good as well as the bad, to kill the young men as well as the old, to kill those who have shown kindness to our wounded as well as those fiends who crucified the Canadian sergeant, who supervised the Armenian massacres, who sank the Lusitania , and who turned the machine guns on the civilians of Aerschott and Louvain - and to kill them lest the civilization of the world should itself be killed.
In this sermon, Doehring commented on the recent wave of transportation strikes in many German cities and referred to those who instigated the strikes as venal and cowardly creatures who treacherously have desecrated the altar of the Fatherland with the blood of their brothers In the Reichstag on 4 August , the court chaplain Ernst von Dryander preached a sermon in which he declared, We are going into battle for our culture against the uncultured, for German civilization against barbarism, for the free German personality bound to God against the instincts of the undisciplined masses.
One notable example is the ETA, the Basque separatist movement in Spain, which put down arms in Despite the intense media focus on terrorist activity around the world, the numbers of people actually killed by terrorist attacks has remained low.
Terrorism only killed 13, in , a relatively low number when compared with other types of violent death, namely armed conflict and interpersonal violence. One major consequence of the rise of international terrorism, particularly Islamic extremist groups, has been the global War on Terror. The War on Terror, which began in , has so far seen the full-scale invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as other operations in Yemen, Pakistan and Syria.
An important question is whether the global campaign against terrorism, known as the War on Terror, has made us any safer. Many commentators argue that the War on Terror has had the perverse effect of making us less safe, with some going as far as claiming the War on Terror is the leading cause of terrorism. The internet has become a central tool for terrorists, largely replacing print and other physical media. It has allowed terrorist organisations to costlessly communicate their message and aims to the world, allowing them to recruit new members, coordinate global attacks and better evade surveillance.
Their well-organised online propaganda campaign has seen them recruit thousands of foreign fighters. The increasing use of the internet was noted by Bruce Hoffman in Inside terrorism as early as The consequences of these developments [are] far-reaching as they are still poorly understood, having already transformed the ability of terrorists to communicate without censorship or other hindrance and thereby attract new sources of recruits, funding, and support that governments have found difficult, if not impossible, to counter.
Measuring the effectiveness of terrorism requires us to have both a well defined set of objectives for a given terrorist organisation as well as a definite way to determine success and failure. Yet if goal was to intimidate America and publicise the cause, it may be considered a success. With respect to the question of effectiveness, there are two opposing views in the literature. The first posits that terrorists are able to influence policy and public opinion and that terrorism is increasing worldwide simply because it is effective.
The second view argues that terrorists hardly ever achieve their main objectives and that terrorist groups tend to be unstable and disintegrate over time. Robert Pape, professor of Political Science at the University of Chicago, is a major proponent of the view that terrorism can be effective and his research focusses on suicide terrorism. Pape finds that suicide attacks targeted at democracies tend to be more effective at influencing policy. Max Abrahms argues that terrorism never succeeds. Abrahms analysed 28 groups designated as terrorist organisations by the US State Department in Ivan S.
Sheehan has written on the importance of data quality in terrorism research and highlights several key issues that researchers must be aware of when using these datasets.